Showing posts with label The Troubles. Show all posts
Showing posts with label The Troubles. Show all posts

21 May 2015

BBC: Prince Charles meets Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams

Source: http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-32786393

Prince Charles meets Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams

Media captionPrince Charles met Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams at a meeting at the University of Galway
Prince Charles has met Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams at the start of his four-day visit to Ireland.
Mr Adams was among a number of politicians to greet the prince at a reception at National University of Ireland Galway.
It was the first meeting in the Republic of Ireland between Sinn Féin's leadership and a Royal Family member.
Mr Adams and his colleague Martin McGuinness also had a private meeting with Prince Charles.

'Common mind''

That meeting took place after the handshake and was in a private room. It lasted between 15 and 20 minutes.
Afterwards, Mr Adams said: "We did discuss the need for the entire process to move forward, particularly in regard to those who have suffered, those who have been bereaved."
He added: "Both he and we expressed our regret for what happened from 1968 onwards.
"We were of a common mind and the fact that the meeting took place, it obviously was a big thing for him to do and a big thing for us to do."
Charles and Camilla watch Irish dancers
The Royal couple watched Irish dancers after arriving at the university
However, not everyone welcomed the meeting and the prince's visit.
As Mr Adams was meeting Prince Charles, one of his party's MP's, Paul Maskey, was attending a protest over Parachute Regiment shootings in the Ballymurphy area of west Belfast in the early 1970s.
"Sinn Féin have long supported the Ballymurphy families and will continue to do so," Mr Maskey said.
"Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness and other Sinn Féin representatives met today with Prince Charles. This is part of a larger process of peace and reconciliation and moving society forward."
Sinn Féin West Belfast MP Paul Maskey (second right) attends a protest over Ballymurphy shootings
Sinn Féin West Belfast MP Paul Maskey (second right) attended a protest over Ballymurphy shootings
Derry protest
A protest against the meeting was staged in Londonderry
A protest involving about 40 people was held in Londonderry opposing the visit. It included some relatives of those who were killed by paratroops on Bloody Sunday.
John Teggart's father, Danny, was one of 10 people killed by soldiers in Ballymurphy, west Belfast, in 1971.
"Prince Charles represents the Parachute Regiment who, for many years, murdered innocent civilians in Belfast, including my father," he said.
"I am totally opposed to him coming to Belfast and to the north in general."
Victims campaigner Alan McBride, whose wife Sharon was killed in the IRA Shankill Road bombing in 1993, said the families of some of the victims would find the handshake difficult to watch.
"At the end of the day, it is just a handshake and I long for the day when these things don't have the sort of significance that they have at present, because of our history and the conflict and all of that," he said.
"But we're not there yet, and particularly for families that lost people, these can be very emotional and traumatic days."
Mr McBride said he had heard interviews with some of the Ballymurphy families that he felt illustrated "a lot of hurt there, just underneath the surface".
Media captionSinn Féin leader Gerry Adams: "It was a good meeting"

'Extraordinary kindness'

In a speech at the university, Prince Charles paid tribute to the "magic about Ireland that is totally unique".
"Having first had the great joy of coming to Ireland 20 years ago now, for the first time in 1995, then again in 2002, each time I have been so overwhelmed and so deeply touched by the extraordinary kindness, the welcome, the enthusiasm and indeed the fun of being in Ireland," the prince said.
He said of the Irish people: "You raise our spirits in so many ways."
He also joked that he was "a little too old to be able to learn some of the steps from the Irish dancing routine" performed for the Royal couple after their arrival.
Media captionSpeaking in Galway, the Prince of Wales has said that he is greatly looking forward to his "all-too-short visit"
Following the visit to the university, Prince Charles visited Galway's Marine Institute and the Burren area of County Clare, while Camilla attended a number of events in Galway city centre.
The couple are to attend a private dinner with Irish President Michael D Higgins and his wife Sabina at Lough Cutra in County Galway on Tuesday night.
Prince Charles, who is a pioneer in organic and sustainable farming, visited the farm of Patrick Nagle near Corofin in the Burren. He also met Brendan Dunford of the Burren Life project, which has helped farmers to work successfully in the unique landscape.
He met members of the Burren Beo Trust, which has been spearheading an educational project about the Burren in schools for the past decade.
The Duchess of Cornwall visited the Druid Theatre in Galway, watching a short performance of the opening scene of "Richard II".

Historic handshake

In 2012, Sinn Féin's deputy leader Martin McGuinness met the Queen in Belfast in his role as Northern Ireland's deputy first minister.
The handshake between the Queen and the former IRA commander, at the Lyric Theatre in Belfast, was considered historic.
However, he was not the first party member to meet British royalty.
In May 2011, Michael Browne, the Sinn Féin mayor of Cashel shook hands with the Queen in County Tipperary.
Media captionThe Queen shook hands with former IRA commander Martin McGuinness.
The meeting had not been approved by the Sinn Féin leadership.
During his own trip Charles, joined by the Duchess of Cornwall, will visit the village of Mullaghmore in County Sligo - where his great-uncle, Earl Mountbatten, was killed by an IRA bomb in 1979.
line

Analysis: Peter Hunt, royal correspondent

A handshake - an everyday action for so many of us - is invested with so much more when it's in the context of the evolving and improving relationship between Britain and Ireland.
This one was once unthinkable. It lasted some 12 seconds.
The heir to the throne was carrying that most English of things - a cup of tea. Gerry Adams was furnished with a firm and lingering grasp.
After the show of togetherness for public consumption, there followed an equally significant, but unrecorded, private meeting.
After his political contribution, Prince Charles will make a personal journey to Mullaghmore where his godfather and confidant Lord Mountbatten was murdered by the IRA.
That will be on Wednesday. Today, Prince Charles has, in the words of a speech on Ireland he once delivered, become a subject of the two countries' shared history and not its prisoner.
Media captionHow the BBC reported the death of Earl Mountbatten in 1979
line
Charles and Camilla in Galway
The prince and duchess were treated to displays of traditional music and weaving
Prince Charles with Irish Prime Minister Enda Kenny
Prince Charles with Irish Prime Minister Enda Kenny in the Burren area of County Clare

More on this story

06 January 2015

openDemocracy: Northern Ireland’s incomplete peace: young feminists speak out | openDemocracy

Source: https://www.opendemocracy.net/5050/maria-deiana-claire-pierson/northern-ireland%E2%80%99s-incomplete-peace-young-feminists-speak-out

Northern Ireland’s incomplete peace: young feminists speak out

Organising around a belief in feminism’s ability to articulate and represent visions of peace and politics, a new generation of feminists is emerging to challenge the traditional rigidity of Northern Irish politics. 
More than a decade since the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland’s peace has failed to address women’s demands for inclusion and equality, and the peace remains incomplete. On the one hand, women express dissatisfaction with an essentially male-dominated peacebuilding process that continues to silence their experiences and places great constraint on their agency. On the other, local feminist and trade unions activists have drawn attention to the pernicious intersection between Northern Ireland’s transition to peace and the logic of neoliberal reforms which, having disproportionally affected women’s economic position, works to further entrench gender inequalities.
Despite persistent constraints, women’s grassroots organisations continue the pattern of active involvement in the voluntary sector that traces back to their crucial role in community development during the decades of conflict. This has been well documented in reports such as Women’s Centres and the local communities, and Women and Conflict. Local feminists also strive to tackle the failed promises of inclusion and prosperity embedded in Northern Ireland’s incomplete peace, for instance through the creation of a collective such as Reclaim the Agenda.
At a first sight the picture emerging from Northern Ireland is one of a concerted effort to radically improve the position of women and re-shape society through the principle of gender equality. However a closer look suggests that important differences exist between instances of “front-line feminism”, as defined by Cynthia Cockburn to identify the array of activities developed throughout the conflict by the formalised women’s sector, and emerging practices of feminist activism developed by a younger generation of women.
The activities undertaken by the Belfast Feminist Network (BFN) are indicative of the new trajectories of feminist activism underway. The views presented here draw on our own experiences both as researchers in the field of gender and peacebuilding, and as active BFN members. We believe that highlighting these practices, which perhaps are less visible and on a much smaller scale than the more institutionalised women’s sector, is crucial in order to discuss how feminists from different generations can work together to radically transform society in Northern Ireland and beyond.
An anti-rape poster created by Belfast Feminist Network, 2012. Credit: Claire Pierson
The resurgence of feminist politics: between local and global moment 
Concerns are often expressed about the extent of younger women’s inclusion and visibility within feminist movements globally, and Northern Ireland is no different in this regard. Addressing this issue suggests that we need to engage more broadly with generational differences among feminists and with the evolving nature of feminist theory and practice.
There is a general agreement that feminist movement(s) have historically and transnationally seen tensions and misunderstandings among differently positioned feminists, moments of abeyance and upheaval, the evolution of new theoretical concepts and new tools for activism, as well as the return of issues that appeared to be resolved- e.g. reproductive rights, the gender pay-gap. We believe that continuities and ruptures among different generations are nothing but a strength which equips feminism(s) with the ability to develop, adapt and respond to the evolving challenges that sexism, patriarchy, and exclusions around the axis of class, ethnicity, sexuality and ability present at specific times. 
In response to the recent upsurge of feminism activism in the UK and globally,The Guardian journalist Kyra Cochrane’s recent book “All the Rebel Women”sets out to investigate the motives, experiences and strategies of emerging feminist activists. As we hear about the creators of different campaigns fromEveryday Sexism to No More Page 3, a guiding question runs throughout the book : “Is this a fourth wave of feminism?”. The answer emerging from the book is not so clear-cut: some of the issues addressed are certainly not new, however there are some specific traits that make current feminist interventions different, new, and certainly attuned to the current political moment.
Most younger feminists have managed to use the immediacy of internet and social media to their benefit, developing online campaigns connecting with other activists and reaching out to specific targets - government, companies, retailers, the media etc.  Campaigners often rely on the power of humour and wit - see for example Confused Cats against Feminism and Knickers for Choice- to develop strategies reaching broader audiences. While not necessarily something new, this is certainly a growing strategy and one which is often related to the fact that most campaigns are self-funded and often need to compensate for limited resources with creativity. 
Current feminist activism appears to be less rooted in academic debates and more focused on hands-on activism, such as the transnational Hollabackmovement, Daughters of Eve and Feminist Fightback  in the UK , who organise actions as diverse as petitions, flash-mobs, online campaigns, blogs, and activist training days.  At the same time, most feminists are familiar with key concepts and theoretical debates which are more and more accessible through social media and blogs. One key issue in particular seems to bring together most feminist activists: the idea that feminism must look beyond gender and address the multiple ways in which the power structures of society create exclusions and inequalities also on the grounds of sexual orientation, class, ethnicity and ability.  
Cochrane argues that we are certainly witnessing a new wave of feminist activism: technological; creative; rooted in a wider political shift that questions the false promise of an achieved gender equality and is concerned with the growing breadth of inequalities.  While it might not be a political movement as we know it, she concludes, this broad, nascent and diverse series of feminist interventions is certainly creating an alternative space of grassroots mobilisation. 
The Belfast Feminist Network (BFN) is situated within the contemporary wave of feminist activism aptly portrayed by Cochrane. However, the network is also firmly rooted in the feminist challenges and broader pockets of activism such as those revolving around the Realta Civic Spaceand in the specific context of “post-conflict/post-Agreement” Northern Ireland.  BFN has a clear feminist political agenda, broadly conceived in order to give space to diverse and multiple feminist perspectives. It began organising in 2010 with a series of informal meetings and has now reached over 1000 online members. Social media clearly engages a wider network of individuals, yet the extent to which online activism translates and integrates with on the ground activism is often a topic of discussion. At a recent BFN activist training day, several participants said that they had been online members for several years before deciding to make the leap and engage for the first time face to face.
BFN is an informal network which includes women and men from a variety of backgrounds and life experiences. This diversity enables the creation of a space where those who have critically engaged with gender inequalities in Northern Ireland for a number of years can support others who are only just beginning to challenge gender inequality. Broad membership also allows the network to make connections - and integrate with - more established feminist movement groups such as Alliance for Choice and the women’s sector, whilst developing its own unique voice.
This younger generation of feminists with a wide demographic of membership is particularly interested in the links between gender and other intersects of identity and inequality. BFN has been at the forefront of providing space for women to engage with feminism and intersecting identities, hosting events in conjunction with Outburst  Queer Arts Festival , a series of discussions on the issues that women who live on Belfast interfaces currently face, and seminars on women’s position and exclusion within a capitalist economy
Young women have been identified as a particularly ‘invisible’ group in Northern Ireland with regard to being able to express and have their views heard. In order to provide a younger, feminist voice within the consultation process, the network has produced a series of policy responses to consultations on particularly divisive feminist issues locally and internationally, such as increased access to abortion and the criminalisation of the purchase of sex.  It has also begun to organise more strategically branching off into smaller hubs of communication, peer support, activism and lobbying. Members are using their expertise to take charge of particular areas of activism, and engage more actively and collectively on a wider range of issues. Organising around a belief in feminism’s ability to generate social change is a heartening reaction, and a challenge to the traditional immobility and rigidity of Northern Irish politics. 
It is vital that in the lead up to the UK general election in May we increase our "political" profile and ensure that the voices and views of young feminists are heard in the formal political sphere  - through submission of policy consultations on topics that range from women’s full participation in politics to amendments to abortion legislation.  
The next few months represent a crucial opportunity to articulate and represent the visions of peace (and politics) that younger women, who were children when the Good Friday Agreement was negotiated, have for the future of Northern Ireland. The struggle to re-shape Northern Irish society and achieve real peace, in addition to encompassing issues of dealing with the past and the impact of increased austerity, must prioritise wider issues of social and reproductive justice and the inclusion and equality of  people of all genders and sexes as full-fledged citizens. 
Read more articles in 50.50's series on Women and Peacebuilding in Northern Ireland 



About the authors
Maria Adriana Deiana is a Research Fellow in the School of Politics at Queen’s University Belfast. Her research lies at the intersection of international politics and gender studies with a focus on Northern Ireland, the Former Yugoslavia and other post-socialist contexts. She is currently working on the EU funded project EuBorderscapeswith a focus on cross-border cooperation and conflict transformation.
Claire Pierson is conducting doctoral research at Ulster University examining women’s security and experiences of policing in Northern Ireland. She has recently worked as a research assistant with University College Dublin on a Department of Foreign Affairs funded project ‘Addressing Cultural Legacies of Conflict’ with women in Colombia, Liberia and Ireland. She has also worked for the Institute for Conflict Research (Belfast), and the Palestinian Human Rights Monitoring Commission (Jerusalem)